According to the publication, F-Drones manufactures FPV-type strike quadcopters, which are more frequently used than other drones to destroy Russian heavy equipment. The article notes that the company produces most components itself, while the remaining parts are supplied mainly by European companies.

"The company began manufacturing drones in 2023. At first, all of its components were of Chinese origin. However, within a year, the company managed to localize the production of carbon frames and antennas. By 2025, it expanded production and began manufacturing flight controllers, speed controllers, radio modems, and video transmission systems. Later, the company also gained access to camera production technology, which it plans to manufacture in Europe. Currently, cameras are purchased from another Ukrainian company that imports components from Europe", – the article says.

After Maidan, Ukraine changed. Society demonstrated unprecedented mobilisation. Many protesters joined the Armed Forces and, since 2014, have defended the state in the east and, with the start of a full-scale invasion, along the entire front line.

At the same time, transformations took place not only in the sphere of security or politics. The Revolution of Dignity became an impetus for a profound rethinking of Ukrainian identity, language, culture, and traditions. We are witnessing a systemic demand from society to return to its roots.

These conclusions are confirmed by the experience of implementing educational initiatives in partnership with the Kolo Charitable Foundation as part of the Know Your Ukraine project, an educational project on traditional Ukrainian culture. Its main activity is to create training courses, lessons, and practical materials for educators and the general public on the main Ukrainian holidays and traditions. This is done in partnership with cultural institutions and with the support of patrons.

In 2022, a thematic block about Christmas was launched, and in 2025, a course about Pokrova. Work is currently underway on materials dedicated to Easter and Kupala Day. In the last six months alone, the Pokrova and Christmas courses have been taken by more than 18,000 participants from different regions of Ukraine.

It is important to note that the training is not limited to an online format. We deliberately emphasise the practical application of knowledge in communities. With the support of the project, traditional Christmas processions with caroling stars took place in more than 15 communities, including those near the front line. More than 100 public, cultural, and youth organisations from all over the country, from Kharkiv to Chernivtsi, took part in the selection process.

The tradition of Christmas processions with stars began to revive in Lviv in 2006 and in Kyiv in 2013. Today, it is returning to other cities and communities – in Odesa, Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, as well as in communities in the Chernihiv, Zaporizhzhia, Mykolaiv, Kyiv, Vinnytsia, Sumy, Dnipropetrovsk, Khmelnytskyi, and Ivano-Frankivsk regions.

A separate initiative was the competition ‘Give me a penny, uncle,’ to which we invited teachers and schoolchildren from different regions. The idea was to revive the living tradition of caroling – not as a stage performance, but as genuine communal singing from house to house, as practiced by generations of Ukrainians. Children and adults recorded these initiatives on video and shared them publicly.

The winners were participants from the southern and eastern regions. This is particularly symbolic. In places where the historical connection with tradition has been broken or suppressed, a new generation is now emerging that is consciously returning to Ukrainian cultural heritage.

The state and civil society must act together. We create conditions, provide knowledge and tools, but it is the communities that fill them with living content. Ukrainians demonstrate that culture is not only the heritage of the past, but also the basis of resilience in times of war.

Today, the revival of traditions is not nostalgia or a decorative element. It is a matter of identity, national security, and strategic future. Ukrainian culture must take its rightful place in Ukrainian society – as the foundation of our statehood and internal unity.

Gnat Korobko, patron, co-author of the Know Your Ukraine educational project

Source: GORDON

This blog reflects the opinion of the author solely. The editorial team is not responsible for the content or accuracy of the materials published in this section.
 

Journalists said that Indian citizen Bhargava Sarvesh, who represented the pharmaceutical manufacturer between April and June 2025, contacted an official of the State Service of Ukraine on Medicines and Drugs Control and offered $30,000 in exchange for amendments to the inspection report that would conceal the identified violations.

"In June 2025, the first part of the sum – $15,000 – was handed over at one of Kyiv’s restaurants. The money was documented by law enforcement officers, seized, and later confiscated. A key point in the case is that the official of the State Medicines Service refused to enter into any agreement and reported the attempted bribery to law enforcement authorities. All subsequent actions of the suspect were carried out under investigative supervision", – reads the article.

The Ukrainian court found Sarvesh guilty of attempting to provide an unlawful benefit to a public official, the agency reported. He was fined 622,378 UAH, while previously imposed preventive measures and property seizures were lifted.

Case materials emphasized that Sarvesh’s actions were systematic and deliberate. He had worked in the Ukrainian pharmaceutical market for an extended period and was associated with several companies in Ukraine and abroad.

He noted that the central element of the Christmas procession was large caroling stars, which residents of 15 communities received from Know Your Ukraine project.

"The key element of the procession was large Christmas stars – a traditional attribute of carolers. As part of a competition organized by Know Your Ukraine, with the support of donors, 15 communities received stars that they could decorate together and use during the procession. We provided people with the attributes and knowledge about this ancient tradition, and they took care of everything else themselves. They gathered people, put on costumes with elements of traditional clothing, and organized the procession in their town or village. Once again, we were convinced that Ukrainians love and value their traditions and culture. People just need to be reminded of our roots – they will do the rest themselves", – Korobko added.

Ahead of Christmas, Know Your Ukraine project announced a nationwide competition for community residents. More than 100 civic, cultural and youth organizations took part in the selection process, with 15 winners ultimately chosen.
 
 
 
 
 
 

According to the company’s head, the existing legal mechanisms in the areas of land use, construction, and export–import operations must comply with the new simplified system to prevent legislative inconsistencies.

"Transparent communication with private investors is needed, as they may adopt a wait-and-see position due to wartime risks. Tax and regulatory incentives must remain transparent, guaranteed, and long-term. Without state orders or preferential lending, capital inflows will be insignificant", – the UkrArmoTech director stated.

He added that the procedure for manufacturers to prove the targeted use of profits must be as straightforward as possible and must not create fiscal risks for enterprises exempted from reinvested profit taxation.

Khirhii emphasized the shortage of qualified professionals in the sector.

"The key operational challenge is the lack of skilled personnel – highly specialized engineers, designers, and technologists. The mere existence of incentives does not solve the shortage of specialists, especially under conditions of mobilization and migration. A partial response should come from the president’s signing of draft law №13335, which grants critical enterprises the right to a 45-day deferral for specialists whose military registration documents are improperly processed," the head of the defence company noted.

The authors noted that an "evolution of the approach to the use of foreign servicemen" is taking place.

"The main principle of the new model is the most effective use of their experience, motivation, and professional skills in those units where they are needed most. Foreign volunteers […] will have broader opportunities for military service", – the Armed Forces stressed.

The Ground Forces stated that foreigners will have the right to choose a brigade of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, as well as the direction and specifics of their deployment, depending on their training, experience, and preferences.

"This ensures better integration, equal opportunities with Ukrainian soldiers, and more rational use of personnel resources. The Ground Forces highly value the contribution of foreign volunteers to Ukraine’s defence, their self-sacrifice, motivation, and commitment to our shared values", – the statement said.

For decades, ICU served Yanukovych, Poroshenko, and Medvedchuk, and was directly involved in the most scandalous schemes. They conducted secret negotiations and kept dirty secrets. They provided their people to be appointed to leading positions in the government (the National Bank, the Ministry of Energy and Coal Industry, and the National Commission for State Regulation of Energy and Utilities). This is a partnership, not a customer-contractor relationship.

Please pay attention to the following point: Yanukovych, Medvedchuk and Poroshenko have all been under sanctions for a long time. What are the officials of the National Security and Defence Council, the Ministry of Justice and the Presidential Office doing preparing these sanctions? Why are ICU managers still not under sanctions? Here is the most interesting thing in the history of Investment Capital Ukraine Group. It seems that Ukraine's most successful financial group is invisible.

To confirm my words, I would like to tell you the story of ICU's cooperation with another person subject to NSDC sanctions, Dmytro Firtash. This episode takes us back to 2015-2016, when the government was negotiating the purchase of the 112 Ukraine channel.

Today we remember 112 Ukraine as one of the mouthpieces of Viktor Medvedchuk and Russian propaganda. The channel was closed due to NSDC sanctions in February 2021, along with NewsOne and ZiK. However, Medvedchuk had only acquired the channel in 2018. Before him, other people had fought for the channel.

Let's go back to the era of President Viktor Yanukovych. His entourage decided to create their own media to compete with the existing media groups. In particular, 112 Ukraine was supposed to compete with 1+1, Inter, STB, ICTV, and other heavyweights.

The channel's history dates back to 2011, when several regional companies received broadcasting licences. They were acquired by Andrii Pidshchypkov's TRK 112-TV LLC, and in November 2012, they started to be known collectively as 112 Ukraine. In fact, it was not just one channel, but a whole group with a complicated ownership structure. The channels of this group broadcast in different regions, but did so under a single brand, 112 Ukraine. Therefore, it is also acceptable to call this community the "112 group".

It was believed that the real owner was Interior Minister Vitaliy Zakharchenko, although businessman Andrii Pidshchypkov was mentioned as the nominal owner. The group's channels were owned by Cypriot offshore companies with nominee owners. So both versions were valid.

112 Ukraine worked in the then fashionable format of continuous news broadcasting. This is exactly how CNN, BBC, Euronews, Al Jazeera, Sky News and other TV channels work. The idea had some success. 112 Ukraine appeared on TV screens in many government offices.

But then Euromaidan happened, and Yanukovych's entourage fled Ukraine. Newly elected President Petro Poroshenko demanded to get the channel. He deeply understood the power of the media, because until 2019, it was TV channels that had "created and overthrown presidents".

Poroshenko already owned Channel 5, which operated under the same scheme of continuous news broadcasting. Channel 5 played an incredibly important role during the first, Orange Maidan, and did a good job during the second, Euromaidan. No wonder Petro Poroshenko decided to pick up an asset abandoned by Yanukovych's entourage.

Externally, he persecuted the former president's team, in particular over the Maidan shootings. In fact, he twice sent emissaries to the team for negotiations. This is where ICU got involved.

 Two attempts at negotiations

In 2016, fugitive MP Oleksandr Onyshchenko revealed several business secrets he had been involved in during Poroshenko's time. In an effort to preserve his business in gas production, Onyshchenko carried out special instructions for the president. In particular, he bribed (at his own expense) other members of the Verkhovna Rada to vote for the bills Poroshenko wanted.

One of the instructions concerned the 112 Ukraine channel. In the agreement, a draft of which was made public by Onishchenko, the authorities promised to protect the channel from pressure, and the channel was obliged to cover the actions of the authorities in a positive light. However, the document contained another clause stating that Onyshchenko would receive the priority right to buy the channel.

According to the fugitive MP, he conducted these negotiations on behalf of Poroshenko.

Then the deal fell through. According to Onyshchenko, "Poroshenko wanted the channel to be bought and sold for $17 million, while the owner of the channel, Andrii Pidshchypkov, asked for at least $25 million".

The role of ICU and its shareholder Makar Paseniuk is interesting here. He admitted that he had acted as an intermediary in the negotiations with Pidshchypkov. However, according to the financier, Onyshchenko wanted to buy the channel for himself.

I would like to question this statement. Paseniuk was as close to Poroshenko as possible at the time (in addition to the events described above; for example, the investment banker negotiated with the Russians and was involved in the transfer of Poroshenko's wealth to a blind trust). Most likely, he knew that he was helping the president to buy the 112 channel.

In the same year, 2015, according to then MP Serhiy Leshchenko, Poroshenko made another attempt. In his traditional manner, he pushed the other side to cooperate. The National Council on Television and Radio, controlled by the President, refused to renew the licence for 112 Ukraine due to its non-transparent ownership structure. Criminal cases were opened against the owner of the channel.

The pressure did not work. The channel's management claimed political pressure, and Pidshchypkov and the channel's creative producer Viktor Zubrytskyi left for abroad.

Around the same time, it turned out that Viktor Polishchuk was supposedly going to buy the TV channel. According to the generally accepted version, he acted on behalf of Poroshenko. Polishchuk is a very colourful businessman, owner of the Eldorado electronics retail chain and former owner of the Gulliver shopping mall. His bank, Mykhailivskyi, left behind thousands of defrauded depositors and cost the state billions of hryvnias, but Polischuk himself escaped these troubles. The secret of his success was believed to be his marriage to the niece of Russian alcoholic president Dmitry Medvedev.

It is reliably known that Paseniuk also took part in these negotiations. His involvement was not accidental, as in 2014, ICU was a financial advisor to Mykhailivskyi Bank.

Paseniuk himself said that Polishchuk wanted to use his services to buy the channel for himself (who else for?). However, according to Viktor Zubrytskyi, a top manager of the 112 TV channel, Polishchuk and Paseniuk were acting on behalf of Poroshenko. I don't know about you, but I believe Zubrytskyi more.

According to Ekonomichna Pravda, Polishchuk received money from Poroshenko (between $3m and $5m) to make a deposit.

Money was not needed in the end. The second negotiations also failed. Pasenyuk quit negotiations on the 112 Ukraine TV channel. We don't know why, but there's a good story. According to Pidshchypkov, Polishchuk openly threatened him.

All of these are versions that were heard during Poroshenko's time.

As you probably know from open sources, three years later, the channel was acquired by Taras Kozak, an MP from Viktor Medvedchuk's entourage. In December 2018, Kozak bought it through offshore companies, paying for it with money of non-transparent origin. And in 2021, the channel was blocked by NSDC sanctions.

 Alternative version 

If you notice, there is a gap between events. It is not known what happened between Poroshenko's negotiations and the sale to Medvedchuk. And this is very important and interesting. Here are some facts to help fill in the gap.

Initially, it was believed that ICU was acting on behalf of Poroshenko. However, there is another version. Representatives of Dmytro Firtash took part in both of Poroshenko's negotiations. It was probably the latter who bought the channel from Yanukovych's entourage and later sold it to Medvedchuk.

Overall, the partnership between Poroshenko and the oligarch does not look shocking. It was rumoured that these two and Vitali Klytschko had made special arrangements after the Euromaidan.

As for 112 Ukraine, here are some interesting facts.

1. 

The purchase of the channel for the benefit of Poroshenko was indeed being prepared. Perhaps it was really just a matter of money.

Let me remind you that 112 Ukraine is not a single TV channel, but a group. In particular, six of the companies were registered in Cypriot offshore companies that contained "112" in their names:

• Secundiana Media 112 Ltd
• Tertiana Media 112 Ltd
• Quartiana Media 112 Ltd
• Quintiana Media 112 Ltd
• Sextiana Media 112 Ltd
• Septiana Media 112 Ltd

As we recall, since May 2015, Onyshchenko and Paseniuk have been negotiating the purchase of TV channels. In this regard, it is interesting that in July 2015, the above-mentioned offshore companies were transferred from Cypriot citizens to the Seychelles-based company Kouly Ventures. Andrii Pidshchypkov was declared the main beneficiary of this company. Why? I can only speculate: one company is much more convenient when preparing for a sale.

2.

Around the same time, in preparation for the acquisition of the channels, ICU established a nominee company, Maresko Holdings Limited (BVI), through its Cypriot law firm partner Dadlaw. Its final beneficiary was... no, not Poroshenko, but Valid Arfush, who held a senior position at Euronews Ukraine, the name of one of the projects of the Inter TV channel.

It is likely that Arfush acted as a nominal owner. He has never had enough capital to buy a TV channel like 112 Ukraine, and since March 2015, he has been running a joint project with a gas oligarch.

Obviously, ICU helped with putting the deal together. On 31 July 2015, when the first negotiations (involving Onyshchenko and Paseniuk) were still ongoing, Project Volcano was born. This is the name of the draft agreement. It was an option (right) to purchase shares. Maresko Holdings Limited (BVI) was issuing the option, and the recipient had yet to be specified (let's call him X). The option guaranteed that Maresko would sell X shares in the six TV channels with the numbers 112 in their names.

Who was Mr X? There are not many variants/options.

The option would have been exercisable on the sole condition that Maresko Holdings Limited (BVI) itself buys the channels. As you know, the deal fell through, and Maresko did not become the owner of 112 Ukraine. The well-known explanation is that they did not agree on price.

3.

In December 2015, ICU Holdings bought Maresko Holdings Limited (BVI) from Arfush. The offshore company was renamed ICU International LTD.

What does this point to? It can be assumed that ICU originally created Maresko and registered it in Arfush’s name in order to buy TV channels with it. And when the deal fell through, the company turned out to be unnecessary, so they bought it out.

I have screenshots of documents showing that the directors of ICU International LTD (formerly Maresko) were Harris Demetriades, Makar Paseniuk and Kostyantyn Stetsenko, all Greeks with hard-to-pronounce surnames. But the company was owned by Dadlaw Nominees Limited (the same law firm with which ICU worked) and ICU Holdings Limited (BVI), an offshore company.

If the documents are genuine (and the likelihood is very high), this transaction points to joint actions by Poroshenko and Firtash with ICU. The first two are already under sanctions, the third is not.

4.

It has already been mentioned above that the second negotiations on the purchase of 112 Ukraine were conducted by Viktor Polishchuk and Makar Paseniuk. The negotiations took place at the end of 2015. During the negotiations, Pidshchypkov claimed that Polishchuk threatened him in the presence of Paseniuk. According to him, there was a recording of this moment, but it either did not appear in the public domain or quickly disappeared.

The technical side of things is interesting. On 2 November 2016, ICU acquired two companies registered in the British Virgin Islands: Filigree Holdings Ltd and Startpoint Trading Ltd.

ICU bought the first company from Polischuk and the second from media manager Yegor Benkendorf. It is possible that the channels of 112 Ukraine were to be split between the two buyers.

Benckendorf has been Chairman of the Board of Inter since 2013. Another interesting detail. Startpoint Trading Ltd was mentioned in one of the packages of leaked offshore documents as a company set up to acquire media assets in Ukraine.

As we know, the second attempt to buy 112 Ukraine also failed. This is probably why ICU bought out both offshore companies for its own needs. The buyer was again ICU Holdings Limited.

This "coincidence" once again hints that ICU was dealing with Poroshenko and Firtash, both of whom are currently under sanctions.

5.

On 10 November 2016, Yegor Benkendorf was appointed CEO of the 112 Ukraine TV channel. This happened shortly after he was dismissed from his managerial position at "Inter".

It is unknown who owned 112 Ukraine at that time. Benkendorf later called himself one of the owners of the channel, without mentioning the others.

According to open sources, in the summer of 2016, the 112 Group channels began to own each other, and Ivor Omson was named as the beneficiary. The real owner was allegedly Pidshchypkov. But let me question this statement.

Omson was most likely a representative of Firtash. In 2016, it was said that they were both directors of the same company, Simia Holdings Limited.

6.

In April 2018, the channel became the property of German citizen Eduard Katz. And in December 2018, Katz sold the channel to Taras Kozak from Medvedchuk's entourage. The rest you know.

7.

The above facts demonstrate the deep involvement of ICU in the attempts to acquire 112 Ukraine through a complex structure of nominal owners. According to the new data, the company most likely cooperated with Dmytro Firtash through his media managers.

The biggest intrigue was the motivation of Firtash himself. Why did he participate in the deal? Why did he need another TV channel when the oligarch himself had already left Ukraine and settled in Vienna?

His agreements with Poroshenko also remain an intrigue. According to the publicly available version, it was "The Grey-Haired" [Poroshenko’s nickname] himself who wanted to buy 112 Ukraine. Poroshenko is the owner of a billion-dollar fortune, and he could well have afforded this purchase without involving other partners. I can only assume that there was a certain agreement between the two oligarchs.

Of course, neither Poroshenko, Firtash, nor Paseniuk would want to remember those times today. Today, they all have a vested interest in making sure that the details of the negotiations are lost without a trace. But documents, like manuscripts, do not burn.

In my opinion, the key to understanding the story is the Investment Capital Ukraine group. They must have been the real insiders in this deal, and perhaps even engineered it. ICU was engaged not only in negotiations but also in the execution of the future deal through offshore companies. Perhaps they would even manage this media outlet for the benefit of the new owners. So I draw a conclusion. If there were agreements between the oligarchs currently under sanctions, ICU and Makar Paseniuk must have known about them.

According to all the laws of the genre, ICU is a legitimate candidate for NSDC sanctions. After all, Firtash, Poroshenko, Yanukovych and Medvedchuk are already sanctioned. It is incredibly lucky to live without sanctions with such a list of clients/partners.

ICU's longstanding good fortune could well have turned into a sense of impunity. But life is full of surprises. It is worth taking a closer look at the group's current operations. It is certain that skeletons will come out of the closets of many respected people. It is quite possible that these will even be persons under sanctions.

Source: Oleg Posternak / Facebook

This blog reflects solely the opinion of the author. The editorial team is not responsible for the content or accuracy of the materials published in this section.

Reliance Industries signed a ten-year contract with Rosneft for oil supplies worth $12–13 billion annually, Sokolov noted. Under the agreement, Russia ships up to 500,000 barrels of oil daily, which represents half of the Russian company’s seaborne exports.

As the MP explained, the mechanism for channeling revenues into the Russian budget works as follows: Russian oil is purchased through intermediaries in the UAE and Hong Kong at a discount, processed in India, and then sold to Western markets as "Indian" oil products. The profits remain in the accounts of traders affiliated with the Kremlin, who subsequently purchase sanctioned weapons and technologies.

"Ukraine must act consistently against anyone who helps the aggressor", – Sokolov said.

He called on the Security service of Ukraine to verify the information and submit the issue of sanctions for consideration by the Council of National Security and Defence.

"What is particularly cynical is that Mr. Ambani is still not included in any sanctions lists related to the war against Ukraine, while freely sponsoring the war and the killing of Ukrainians. After receiving this information, I was compelled to appeal to the Security Service with a parliamentary request, asking to verify the facts, provide a legal assessment of the actions of Mukesh Ambani and Reliance Industries, and, if confirmed, to submit the question of sanctions against Ambani and his company for consideration by the NSDC", – the statement by the MP said.

In the season’s final, participants competed in individual events across all nine adaptive sports disciplines they had trained in this year: bench press (60 kg, 100 kg, and maximum for men; 30 kg and 50 kg for women), rowing on the Concept-2 ergometer over 100 meters and 100 seconds, airbike, and kettlebell snatch and press with 16 kg and 24 kg weights.

According to one of the organizers, Member of Parliament and Honorary President of the Ukrainian Strongman Federation Vasyl Virastyuk, the main goal is to strengthen the patriotic spirit in society by engaging as many veterans, servicemen, law enforcement officers who sustained injuries, and their families as possible in sports.

In turn, Dmytro Lubinets, the Ukrainian Parliament Commissioner for Human Rights and an honorary guest of the competition, stated that protecting veterans’ rights is under increased oversight.

The main media partners of the event were the 1+1 media holding, UNIAN news agency, and the 2+2 TV channel. Bukovel resort is the general partner of the 2025 competition season.

The residents of the communities noted that for many years they have been defending their right to develop their territories in courts, particularly by fighting against illegal logging. These efforts are often accompanied by discrediting campaigns from certain individuals and groups who, relying on the support of pseudo-activists, spread false information about the residents and officials of the communities. The residents invited the Belgian Ambassador for an official visit to Zakarpattia in order to provide objective information about the state of the local economy and the initiatives aimed at its improvement.

"Media attacks financed from sources unavailable to local communities create a false perception of the real intentions and potential of the region. In this regard, it is important for us to understand whether your personal position and the position of the Kingdom of Belgium is truly one of opposition to the development of Ukrainian regions, including Zakarpattia. We are convinced that development and nature conservation can and must coexist, and that investments in modern infrastructure should contribute not to destruction, but to the protection of the environment. We would be grateful for your response and remain ready for open and constructive dialogue. We also invite you to pay us an official visit in order to provide objective information about the state of the local economy and the initiatives for its improvement. We would appreciate your involvement in the processes of reviving our region, which takes into account both the ecological and socio-economic interests of Zakarpattia," the appeal to the Belgian Ambassador to Ukraine reads.

In August, activists who oppose the construction of new recreational infrastructure on the Svydovets Ridge, citing the risk of ecosystem destruction, publicly announced support for their position from the Ambassador of the Kingdom of Belgium to Ukraine Luc Jacobs.

Photos from the Ambassador's private visit to Zakarpattia were published on Facebook.

"During the visit, Luc Jacobs expressed his concern about the potential development of the ridge", – declared Orest Del Sol, a member of the "Free Svydovets" initiative group, in a comment to "Suspilne Uzhgorod".

The MP noted that the Prosecutor General would be invited to the commission’s next meeting to share his view on the overall performance of the law enforcement system.

"The Prosecutor General is someone who has a clear understanding of the effectiveness of each law enforcement agency. Other law enforcement heads may also be called in for hearings. We will involve the public and representatives of the legal community in the process," he emphasized.

According to Vlasenko, the TIC meeting will be held next week.

According to Ukrainian News, the top 10 scandals involving NABU representatives include:

1. Tymur Arshavin—The informational agency reported that a detective with access to state secrets fled to Romania. His wife and her relatives were found to hold valid Russian citizenship.
2. Mykola Masliak – According to his own statements, NABU’s official whistleblower was detained on suspicion of organizing drug trafficking. Journalists claim the group Masliak was part of earned over UAH 50 million per month.
3. Oleksandr Rykovtsev, Stanislav Braverman, and 15 other detectives – NABU employees were found to have submitted inaccurate declarations regarding cryptocurrency. In particular, Rykovtsev’s wife declared over $1 million in bitcoin, while Braverman reported suspicious crypto transactions totaling more than UAH 1.3 million.
4. Valentyn Shmitko – Head of NABU's unit, who repeatedly declared large sums of cash, in some cases amounting to two-thirds of his official annual income. Investigators later reported he had transferred over UAH 4.3 million abroad.
5. Mykhailo Romanyuk – A detective who was investigating the “Rotterdam Plus” case while simultaneously acquiring luxury real estate and registering it under relatives’ names. Despite owning a house, a car, and other property, he received a 117 m² apartment through the preferential state program "YeOselya".
6. Roman Nєdov – A deputy of the unit chief who purchased two apartments and registered them under his mother-in-law's name. His wife later received them as a gift at a significantly undervalued price. Journalists allege this concealed hundreds of thousands of U.S. dollars from the declaration.
7. Stanislav Braverman – A detective who engaged in a sexual relationship with a witness in a case involving businessman Borys Kaufman. According to journalists, this led to the collapse of two major corruption cases. Braverman was dismissed in June following widespread media coverage.
8. Oleksandr Dotsenko – Featured in a journalistic investigation as a NABU whistleblower, he was found to be a Russian citizen with a valid passport and a graduate of the Russian Presidential Academy of Public Administration.
9. Oleksandr Skomarov – Head of NABU’s second main detective unit. According to Ukrainian News, he concealed the Russian citizenship of his father and the latter’s business activities in the occupied territories of Donbas.
10. Markiyan Slonevskyi – A senior detective who, for several years in a row, received hundreds of thousands of hryvnias from Russian businessman Vladyslav Iskenderov, allegedly as debt repayment. Russian business records list Iskenderov as the sole owner of the Russian company Oniks Grupp, which has operated in Belgorod since 2014 and fulfills state contracts.

"The NABU problem has long passed the point of no return. Only the dissolution of the bureau and a broader reform of the anti-corruption system can put an end to this stream of scandals. After that, the system can be relaunched on new principles that will enable a genuine fight against corruption," Ukrainian News stated. 

He noted that during wartime, when the need to fund the defense sector is critical, the state cannot afford to spend billions on institutions that "devour the budget" without delivering tangible results.

"Ukraine constantly needs funds to finance the army. To increase those funds, we can either cut certain expenses or raise taxes. Clearly, no one wants higher taxes, especially in these difficult times. That leaves us with cutting costs – starting with ineffective institutions that are currently consuming billions from the state budget. And the first candidate to be let go is NABU, whose inefficiency is already evident even to international experts," Posternak said.

The political expert cited an example of economic inefficiency: according to him, the state has spent over 10 billion hryvnias on NABU’s operations over the past 10 years, while actual revenues resulting from court rulings in NABU cases amounted to roughly 800 million hryvnias.

"That means for every 1 hryvnia returned to the state budget, NABU spent... 12 (!) hryvnias! Impressive 'efficiency'," he emphasized.

Posternak also pointed to the low number of investigations per detective and the bureau's lack of initiative.

"Last year, NABU launched 669 criminal proceedings, which amounts to just 2–3 cases per detective. For comparison, one the State Bureau of Investigation (SBI) investigator simultaneously handles between 300 and 1,000 cases," the expert noted.

In his view, NABU often does not initiate its own investigations but primarily works with case materials passed on by other law enforcement agencies, such as SBI or the National Police. He also cited examples of prolonged investigations that end in acquittals or never make it to court.

"NABU detectives are known for high-profile exposures of top officials, but to bring such an exposure to a verdict, even ten years is often not enough," Posternak said.

He also raised concerns about questionable expert analyses that, according to him, undermine the quality of pre-trial investigations. Among the cases he mentioned was "Rotterdam Plus", in which the analysis was conducted by a company whose official business classification codes allow it to provide "astrological and spiritual services", but not land valuation or forensic expertise.

Posternak called for a radical reset of the country’s anti-corruption system.

"So, to summarize: high expenditures with low returns, compounded by the professional inefficiency of detectives, lack of initiative, dubious expert analyses, and corruption scandals among staff. That is the current state of NABU. And it demands drastic measures. The first step is to disband the Bureau and create a new, functional anti-corruption system. Otherwise, nothing will change," he concluded.

According to the report, Nedov concealed the value of two apartments and a car through manipulations, with total assets that cannot be justified by his family"s income.

The journalists claim they have obtained data showing a suspicious increase in the income of Nedov"s wife from business activity during the period just before the start of and during Russia"s full-scale invasion.

"Until 2020, Liia Nedova worked as an employee in hospitals and clinics, earning a humble 30,000–40,000 UAH a year. Then, in 2021, when Nedov had already fully settled into his position at NABU, she registered as an individual entrepreneur. And suddenly, as they say, "luck struck": in 2021–2024 (which were mostly "wartime" years), she earned more than 7 million UAH (almost $200,000). That means her income suddenly increased dozens of times over compared to previous years! At the same time, launching a private dental business requires not only expertise but also significant investments in expensive equipment. Interestingly, the last post on her professional Instagram page was made on April 12, 2023. So – minimal activity, yet regular high income," Informator wrote.

The publication noted that the information about the possibly illicit assets of Nedov"s family was published a month ago, but NABU leadership has not responded.

"No reaction from NABU leadership so far. Are they waiting for another billion-hryvnia scandal to explode? Meanwhile, the NACP is also in no hurry to conduct a review. So far, we have only received a formal letter promising to look into the matter further, but with no indication of when it might be completed. Do we still believe they'll actually investigate?" the article exclaims.

The author of the report stressed that, in his view, the cases of Braverman and Nedov are not isolated incidents, but part of a broader pattern of abuse and suspected criminal activity within NABU.

“If you dig deeper, you"ll find that behind one detective dismissed from NABU for misconduct, there are dozens of persistent violators hiding – and this is inside an agency of just a few hundred detectives! The bureau"s leadership, the NACP, the SBI, and the Prosecutor"s Office all ignore their illegal actions. Clearly, this logic does not satisfy society. A structure that has rotted so thoroughly in just ten years is not what people expected when the anti-corruption bloc was created. Each new case only reinforces what experts have been saying for years: NABU and other "anti-corruption" bodies must be dismantled and rebuilt from scratch. Otherwise, the stealing will continue – and the number of so-called corruption fighters looking to cash in will only grow,” Informator concluded.

He claims that Ihnashchenko forged documents allegedly proving he represented an American corporation and submitted them to Ukrainian ministries.

"He thus misled both sides: he told the Americans he represented Ukraine, and told Ukrainian officials he was acting on behalf of the U.S. Now this individual, already involved in criminal cases related to corruption and document forgery, is preparing – as always – to heroically ‘manage’ the budget!" Posternak added.

The political expert warned that as a result, Ukraine could lose the lithium deal altogether.

"The stakes in this scam are Ukraine’s lithium reserves, which are already legally claimed by the American company Critical Metals Corp, listed on the NASDAQ. Due to Ihnashchenko’s manipulations, one U.S. company could end up suing another – and both would lose access to the resource, while Ukraine would lose the agreement, the investment, and its reputation."

According to Posternak, Ihnashchenko was also behind efforts to insert a bogus company linked to Yanukovych’s inner circle into a production sharing agreement between Shell and the Ukrainian state.

"As a result, Shell pulled out of the country, losing more than $100 million. Sadly, the lack of clear mechanisms for implementing strategic agreements, coupled with chronic staffing shortages, has once again paved the way for figures like Ihnashchenko. I hope this time the deal will not be derailed and buried, like all previous projects he was involved in," the expert concluded.

According to the publication, representatives of the Chornomorskyi Rybnyi Port insist that this court decision could lead to financial losses for both the company and the state. The Chornomorskyi Rybnyi Port LLC is one of Ukraine's main container shipping hubs.

"Leading global market companies used to work with the company, including Maersk, MSC, Hapag-Lloyd, CMA CGM, COSCO Shipping Lines, Arkas Line, Evergreen, and others. According to sources in the Ukrainian Sea Ports Authority, key global transport companies are currently exploring the possibility of changing their logistics. As the interlocutor at AMPU claims, there is a possibility that due to legal complexities, the port's operation will be unstable in the near future. In particular, cargo from Maersk and other operators could be blocked for a period ranging from several weeks to several months", – Censor.NET reported.

The journalists note that the owner of the Chornomorskyi Rybnyi Port LLC is Antarctica PJSC, which is owned by Ihor Kolomoyskyi's partner, Yurii Kiperman.

"According to the registers, the founders of Antarctica PJSC are three offshore companies belonging to Ihor Kolomoyskyi and Hennadii Boholiubov, which featured in the court proceedings in London as part of the 'Kolomoyskyi vs. PrivatBank' case as companies controlled by him", – the media informed.

Upon closer examination, their influence rests on three structural pillars: the audience’s lack of critical knowledge, the strategic use of manipulation or outright deception, and the absence of accountability.

To launch their campaigns, they require a trigger – some public event, phenomenon, or fragment of information that can be exploited and reinterpreted for rhetorical effect. Such a trigger occurred with the recent assassination of Andriy Portnov, a controversial political figure from the Yanukovych era, widely regarded as one of the key architects of Ukraine’s judicial system during the rule of the traitorous president. His violent death acted as a kind of catalyst, drawing attention not only from those who had known him personally but also from a much wider circle of commentators, some informed, many opportunistic. Virtually all major Ukrainian media outlets reported on Portnov’s death. So did the majority of Ukrainian bloggers. But significantly, some legal professionals also seized on the moment to "raise the topic".

For example, lawyer Valeriy Karpuntsov. In his Facebook posts, he did not ignore Portnov’s death either. But he managed to tie nearly everyone to Portnov’s persona – from former prosecutors Ruslan Riaboshapka, Vladyslav Kasko, and Viktor Chumak, to the head of the National Bar Association of Ukraine, Lidia Izovitova, and the former head of the Presidential Office, Andriy Bohdan – and ended with Viktor Medvedchuk. The subtext being: "I’m d’Artagnan, and you’re all… well, you know".

But before publishing such posts, Karpuntsov might have done well, as the saying goes, to "look at his own reflection in the water". And there’s certainly something to see there.

Today, few would even remember his name, since he disappeared from Ukraine’s political horizon at the start of the full-scale invasion, having left for Austria, where he remains to this day.

This enthusiast of glamorous parties, oysters, lavish interiors, and golden MP badges prefers not to mention, for instance, that during the time when Portnov was dismantling Ukraine’s judicial system, he himself served as deputy director general of the National Agency for Foreign Investment and Development under Vladyslav Kaskiv. Yes, those very years when the agency signed its "megaproject" to build an LNG terminal with a Spanish ski instructor. How such a "professional lawyer," as Karpuntsov styles himself, failed to notice anything odd in those legal documents is a mystery. Perhaps he was already dizzy from the promise of a future "reward" – who knows?

While working at the National Agency for Investment in 2010–2011, Karpuntsov appeared in criminal cases involving inflated bonuses, procurement abuses, and embezzlement of public funds. Despite this record, in 2014 Karpuntsov managed to become Senior Assistant to the Prosecutor General of Ukraine for Special Assignments – and, in the same year, was elected to the Verkhovna Rada on the ticket of the "Petro Poroshenko Bloc". The combination of these roles raised numerous questions. In essence, it amounted to an abuse of office and a clear violation of the principle of incompatibility of state positions.

Impunity breeds permissiveness. And so it was with Karpuntsov. In January 2015, according to Tetiana Riaboshapko, a doctor at the Kyiv City Narcological Hospital, an incident occurred: an unconscious man was brought in, having been found asleep in the restroom of a restaurant. Once at the clinic, the man regained consciousness and immediately caused a disturbance – he threatened the medical staff with a pistol and demanded they play the song "Valera, Valera". He reportedly warned that if they didn’t release him, they’d "regret it," because he, Valeriy Karpuntsov, would soon become Deputy Prosecutor General, and then Prosecutor General himself.

This self-styled "truth-teller" also prefers not to mention that, in the autumn of last year, he joined the founding of the "Ukrainian Worldwide Assembly." The organization, established in Vienna and reportedly financed by Vadym Novynskyi, has been promoting Russian narratives. Yuriy Bohdanov reported this in his blog on Espreso last year.

Among the founders was the well-known "political analyst" Kostiantyn Bondarenko, better described as a disseminator of Russian propaganda, who was placed under sanctions just a month earlier. Today, he is a regular contributor to Ukraina.ru, a notoriously anti-Ukrainian outlet under the Russia Today media group, one of the Kremlin’s primary propaganda arms. A few years earlier, Bondarenko even recorded a series of video lectures on the UPA and OUN for pro-Kremlin blogger Anatoliy Shariy, in which he distorted historical events. Before that, he worked as a political strategist for the OPZZh party and personally advised Viktor Medvedchuk, Serhiy Liovochkin, Nataliia Korolevska, and Serhiy Tihipko.

Another "figure" affiliated with the assembly is Ihor Mosiychuk, a former MP from Oleh Liashko’s party. He, too, can safely be counted among the ranks of the infogypsies, for whom any news item becomes a pretext to criticize Ukraine. In effect, Bondarenko, Karpuntsov, and Mosiychuk, funded by Novynskyi, have constructed a platform for disseminating Kremlin-aligned messages, all under the convenient brand of "Ukrainian émigré patriotism".

So if you, Mr. Karpuntsov, have already name-dropped just about everyone imaginable in your Facebook posts, why are you yourself participating in organizations that reek not only of lobbying, but of open political revanche by anti-Ukrainian forces? If you are such a "truth warrior," then why do people speak of you as someone who has "joined destructive projects" in Europe under the patronage of Novynskyi? And finally: why does every one of your exposés look more like an attempt to remind the public that you still exist?

Why is it, Mr. Karpuntsov, that you now "expose" everyone, but kept silent about these facts before? In truth, there are only three plausible conclusions: either you were previously "in on it and in the cut," or today you resemble an infogypsy more than a lawyer or, perhaps, both.

Source: Yuri Podorozhnii / Facebook

This blog reflects solely the opinion of the author. The editorial team is not responsible for the content or accuracy of the materials published in this section.

"The preliminary legal qualification of the case falls under Article 368-5 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine," the publication quotes law enforcement officials as saying.

According to an extract from the Unified register of pre-trial Investigations, Tkachuk may have acquired real estate registered under the names of relatives. Journalists believe his actions may indicate signs of illicit enrichment.

In April 2025, Oksana Kotomkina, coordinator of the legal publication "Conflicts and Laws", filed a complaint with the High Anti-Corruption Court over NABU’s alleged inaction, the outlet reported. The court accepted the applicant’s arguments and ruled that NABU must investigate signs of a potential offence in Tkachuk’s actions as part of a pre-trial investigation.

"According to the declaration submitted by Tkachuk, published on the NACP website, he lives in an apartment formally owned by his mother. Previously, the property was registered under his father's name. At the same time, the case materials contain no indication that Tkachuk’s parents had the financial means to purchase such a property independently. As noted in the media, the head of the BEB detectives has been residing in this apartment since the building was commissioned, which confirms that the apartment was purchased specifically for him", – the investigators wrote.

They noted that during the construction of this residential building, Tkachuk was serving as a senior operative for especially important cases within the State Fiscal Service.

"It was during this period, on November 30, 2015, that the State Fiscal Service opened criminal proceedings against the developer constructing the building. And by 2017, those proceedings were closed. Thus, the apartment in a building developed by a company under investigation ended up in the ownership of the father of an employee of the very institution conducting that investigation", – the journalists emphasized.

"In April 2017, an apartment was purchased for Nanula Syanova, the mother of the detective’s wife, in the elite residential complex "Sherwood" on Aviakonstruktora Antonova Street. According to open sources, at that time, the cost of the apartment from the developer was 26 thousand UAH per m², that is, the minimum cost of an apartment without renovation was 2,652,000 UAH (about $98,625 at the exchange rate at that time). Nedov’s family lived in this apartment, so he declared it. However, in the price column, he noted: "Unknown". In the period from 2018 to 2020, the apartment underwent renovation and redevelopment: the total and living area even decreased. As a result of manipulations, the housing was revalued with a decrease in the cost of the apartment almost threefold to 1,007,200 UAH (about $36,970). At this price, it was presented to Nedov’s wife, and it appeared in the declaration for 2020", – the investigation says.

According to the investigation, in 2018, another apartment measuring 63.7 m² was registered to Nanula Syanova on Povitrianyh Syl Avenue. In 2021, the property was also gifted to Nedov’s wife. The detective's declaration listed the value of the apartment at the time of the gift as 1,080,000 UAH (about $38,700).

The report notes that both apartments are located near Nedov’s workplace at the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine.

"Since April 2024, the Nedov family has been using a VOLKSWAGEN TIGUAN, white. It is registered to his wife, Lia. The cost, according to the declaration, is 763,620 UAH (about $19,300). However, the search shows that this car was imported from Switzerland in 2023 and listed on Auto.ria for 1,311,110 UAH ($31,555)", – Informator.ua reported.

According to investigating journalists Valentyn Shmitko, head of one of NABU's divisions, has declared large sums of cash savings over several consecutive years.

"Shmitko declared large amounts of money as cash savings every year: in 2017 – 425 thousand UAH, in 2019 – 521 thousand UAH, in 2020 – 619 thousand UAH, in 2021 – 625 thousand UAH, in 2024 – 670 thousand UAH. These amounts sometimes amounted to two-thirds of his official income for the year. And in 2024, he took out of the country 4,350,725 UAH," – material reads.

Journalists also noted that Shmitko’s wife, Nataliya Shmitko, has not been residing in Ukraine since the beginning of the full-scale invasion but continued to receive state social benefits.

"We scroll through the Instagram of his wife, Natalia Shmitko. And we see that since the beginning of the full-scale invasion, she has been constantly living abroad with small breaks. During this time, she lived in Romania, was in Montenegro, Venice, visited Croatia, the Dolomites, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and Hollywood. At the same time, she did not neglect social assistance from the state: from 2019 to 2024, Shmitko received it in the amount of more than 340 thousand UAH", – the article states.

The investigation further claims that Shmitko was involved in an attempt to assist an acquaintance in evading military service.

"Shmitko's friend was stopped at night with a bunch of cash in his car. Of course, they checked his documents, and it turned out that he was wanted. Shmitko arrived right at night to "solve" it, but he "solved" it so well that he and his evading friend were charged. The NABU leadership exempted Shmitko from the court, and his evading friend from mobilization. What is characteristic is that the court did not see any offense in Shmitko's actions, not even an administrative one," – Informator.ua wrote.

The editorial board of Informator.ua called on the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption (NACP) to launch an official investigation of NABU detectives.

"The NACP has unfinished business. It seems that no matter which NABU detective you check, you will find suspicious fraud: with money, cars, apartments, houses. All these cases will have to be investigated and given a legal assessment, as required by law", – the publication emphasized. 
 
 
 
 
 

According to him, the audit commission’s findings point to systemic issues within NABU.

"Chronic information leaks in NABU. That is, the leak of information by the leadership and former detective Andriy Denysyuk is just a fragment against the background of a larger problem. No effective criminal proceedings have been conducted regarding these leaks of information. That means no punishment for violations. This is not a state body fighting corruption – it is a caste of untouchables covering each other", – he stated.

Posternak noted that NABU’s staffing levels continue to grow, yet its leadership and detectives repeatedly cite insufficient personnel as a barrier to handling major cases.

"According to public data, in 2024, UAH 1.9 billion was spent from the state budget on the maintenance of NABU, while the bureau's activities led to the return of as much as... UAH 823 million from corrupt officials. Thus, 2,2 times more was spent than was returned to the state!" – he emphasized.

He also criticized the bureau’s insufficient engagement in defense-related investigations. According to Posternak, NABU issued one suspicion in the defense sector in 2023 and none in 2024.

The expert further referenced a series of scandals involving NABU.

"The report should also include the scandals that have shaken the NABU in recent months: representatives of the bureau were caught manufacturing and selling drugs; detective Romaniuk purchased VIP cars and luxury real estate, but wrote everything down to his parents; a detective from the bureau forced witnesses to have intimate relationships; detective Arshavin who had state secrets clearance, fled to Romania", – he wrote.

He advocated for the dissolution of NABU and the establishment of a new institutional framework for anti-corruption efforts in Ukraine.

"We must finally create an effective, accountable, independent mechanism for investigating corruption – with real internal control, powers, and responsibility. And with a regular annual external audit", – Posternak concluded.

He noted that, according to Halabala’s asset declaration, his annual salary as a judge of the HACC amounts to UAH 2.5 million, with an additional UAH 0.5 million earned from interests and the sales of securities and corporate rights.

“That is, UAH 3 million in annual income – UAH 250,000 per month. Alimony for the only son amounts to less than one-tenth of the salary. And there are also savings exceeding UAH 1.6 million. Demanding UAH 1 in alimony was an outright wild move on Halabala's part", – the expert emphasized.

Posternak also referred to other aspects of the judge’s background.

“Halabala is the modern Koreiko of the judicial system. According to media reports, Google is now removing any mention of Halabala’s defense of the former minister [in the government under former Ukrainian President Viktor] Yanukovych, known for the largest bribe in Ukraine’s history, Mykola Zlochevsky, as well as People’s Deputy from the Party of Regions [Oleksandr] Onyshchenko", – he wrote.

Posternak added that ethical issues involving judges remain of significant public concern.

"These individuals, acting on behalf of the state, pass judgment on others, and thus their decisions are influenced, among other factors, by their personal beliefs. If a judge is indifferent to his only underage son, we should not be surprised by rulings in favor of criminals when there is a potential for personal financial gain. Ultimately, this is not all – I will soon share more intriguing details about Judge Halabala's case", – he added.

Journalists said the agency had taken a purely formalistic approach to the inquiry.

"The NACP, established ten years ago, demonstrates the full range of practices typical of traditional Ukrainian bureaucracy. Otherwise, we would have seen at least a report on a preliminary inquiry in response to media publications," Informator.ua noted.

According to the outlet, the head of the Sviatoshynskyi District Court of Kyiv, when asked by a journalist about the long-standing bribery case involving Ihor Romanyuk, replied that he is only responsible for the court’s overall administrative operations.

Journalists outlined the specific information they believe the NACP should have investigated, as well as the nature of their request to the court.

"The Informator.ua research established that the head of one of NABU’s divisions, Romanyuk, used luxury cars – a Mercedes-Benz E 220 CDI registered to his mother-in-law and an Audi A6 registered to his father. An apartment in Irpin, a 1,320 m² land plot in Bucha (Kyiv region), and an unfinished 219 m² house were registered to his mother. Only in his 2024 asset declaration did Romanyuk report an apartment of 117.4 m² in his own name – and that property was purchased under the state’s preferential housing program for defenders, eOselia," the article stated.

The publication also noted that one of the most prominent cases Romanyuk handled at NABU was the so-called "Rotterdam plus" investigation.

"The longer Romanyuk kept the story with 'Rotterdam plus' on hold, the richer he became," the journalists stated.

According to Informator.ua, for eight years, the Sviatoshynskyi District Court of Kyiv has not issued a decision regarding the case of Ihor Romanyuk, the brother of Mykhailo Romanyuk and senior investigator at the Kyiv-Sviatoshyn Tax Inspectorate. Prosecutors allege that Ihor Romanyuk demanded and received a $20,000 bribe from the head of a company, the portal reported.

"The most likely 'talisman' of Romanyuk from prison is his brother – Mykhailo Romanyuk, who has made a successful career at the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine. According to our sources, Mykhailo Romanyuk, who worked at the central office of the tax police until 2016, was known among his colleagues for his significant involvement in extorting bribes from entrepreneurs. It appears that his 'skills' are highly valued at his new position in NABU, and not only there – at one point, two separate agencies intervened to protect him," the publication concluded.

One notable case mentioned by Ukrainian News involves the wife of senior NABU detective Oleksandr Rykovtsev, who reportedly declared the purchase of bitcoins in 2016 valued at over $1 million at current prices. However, according to the investigation’s findings, this claim appears to be inaccurate.

"According to blockchain transaction tracking services, no activity was recorded for the specified crypto wallet. In fact, it was not registered on the Bitcoin network at all. Additionally, no transactions were detected for the other BTC wallets listed in the declaration", – the journalists reported.

Ukrainian News additionally highlights serious irregularities in the asset declaration of senior NABU detective Stanislav Braverman:

"According to the declaration, Braverman purchased crypto worth UAH 1.39 million, and sold it for UAH 1.32 million. It is very similar to the legalization of corruption funds: funds were first allegedly deposited into a non-existent wallet (no one can trace it), and then withdrawn – to a card, for example. This is how more than UAH 1 million appeared out of nowhere. In addition, Braverman bought securities worth more than UAH 1 million 270 thousand during the year. That is, a person with a civil servant’s salary without blinking an eye bought virtual assets worth UAH 2.5 million", – the agency wrote.

The journalistic investigation has identified potential breaches in the asset declaration of senior NABU detective Oleksandr Moiseyev, who reported purchasing UAH 820,000 worth of cryptocurrency one day and selling it for UAH 757,000 the next.

"As with Braverman, it looks like legalization of corruption funds. Who or from whom and for what they were received – law enforcement officers and the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption (NACP) must find out. And another coincidence with the previous position of the anti-rating: Moiseyev purchased securities for 2.2 million UAH. This is for the same salary of a civil servant as Braverman", – the authors of the investigation reported.

The report further notes that, in direct violation of NACP requirements, neither Braverman’s nor Moiseyev’s declarations include any data on the addresses of their cryptocurrency wallets, rendering independent verification impossible.

The investigation also highlights that other NABU employees declared funds in fictitious wallets – some totaling up to UAH 1 million – according to the journalists.

"This and a number of other scandals in recent months have finally discredited the bureau as a structure for combating corruption. Not only is NABU no longer capable of fighting it – it looks like a structure that is slowly becoming its integral participant. […] If the bureau is not put in order in the near future – its existence will pose a threat to the state, and the need for liquidation will become irreversible", – the authors of the investigation summarized.

In the 2024 declaration, the publication noted that Romaniuk listed an apartment of 117.4 m² directly owned by him, purchased through a preferential state program, as emphasized in the article.

"The apartment was bought on mortgage under the 'yeOselya' program. This program includes a limited list of people who can use it. Since August 2023, this list also includes NABU detectives, who were thereby equated with members of the Armed Forces of Ukraine fighting against Russia,” the authors of the investigation emphasized.

They noted that one of the most well-known cases led by Romaniuk at NABU was "Rotterdam Plus."

"Since Romaniuk took on the case, the Bureau has been repeatedly accused of delays and ultimately of ‘burying’ the case. The last mention of it was dated November 8 of last year, when the High Anti-Corruption Court refused to close it. The longer Romaniuk kept the ‘Rotterdam Plus’ case on hold, the wealthier he became," they wrote.

Lisin’s Belgian plants continue to operate without restrictions, sourcing raw materials directly from Russia. Eurostat data shows that Belgium imported nearly €660 million worth of Russian slabs, the report states. Despite these ties, Lisin has not been subjected to any EU sanctions.

Sources indicate that these actions targeted lawyer Dmytro Borzykh, in whose office illegal surveillance equipment was allegedly installed by NABU.

The detectives face charges of abuse of power (Part 1, Article 365 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine) and obstruction of a defense attorney’s activities, including violation of attorney-client privilege (Part 2, Article 397 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine).

"These actions by law enforcement officers clearly exceeded their legal powers and caused significant harm to the legally protected rights of citizens and legal entities. The investigation found that NABU and SAPO officials used their positions to interfere in lawyers’ activities, including the illegal installation of listening devices to covertly monitor attorney-client communications", – the report states.

The National Bar Association insists that such actions undermine attorney-client privilege and legal safeguards, calling for an immediate investigation into the matter.

The association has alleged that NABU detectives conducted a search without a court order or even a basic prosecutor’s resolution. At the same time, the detectives were fully aware that they were entering a legally registered lawyers’ office, as its address is officially listed in the national lawyers' registry.

According to the complaint, the searches extended beyond the office premises. Detectives also raided the homes of the lawyers, where their wives and young children were present. Meanwhile, the lawyers themselves were effectively prevented from overseeing investigative actions taking place in their office.

The association also stated that no documents or items were seized during the searches.

The complaint specifically names NABU detective Fedir Oliynyk as the one who authorized the search, while detective Yaroslav Voronizhsky carried out the wiretapping operation. Voronizhsky was reportedly present during the search but was not officially listed as a participant. Witnesses claim he removed a package and a briefcase from the premises, which allegedly contained technical surveillance equipment.

The National Bar Association has condemned NABU’s actions, describing them as "criminal intent." According to the association, detectives aimed to gain access to confidential information shared between lawyers and their clients, as well as to uncover the defense’s legal strategy.

The statement further alleges that lawyers themselves discovered wiretapping devices placed into the floor of certain offices and inside the negotiation room, where privileged conversations with clients took place.

The National Bar Association of Ukraine has highlighted that the group of NABU detectives involved in the searches includes those who are actively investigating cases against the lawyers' clients.

In its statement, the association urged the Prosecutor General to intervene and ensure that criminal proceedings are initiated against NABU officials. It insists that their actions constitute violations of several articles of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, including Article 162 – Illegal entry into private property and unlawful searches conducted by an official, Article 365 – Abuse of power or official authority, Article 397 – Using official position to obstruct the lawful activities of a defense attorney.

The legal community is calling for accountability, arguing that these actions undermine the fundamental principles of attorney-client privilege and the rule of law.

Professor Melnyk highlighted that even leading domestic analysts who actively support the work of HACC, NABU, and SAPO recognize the existence of a single "anti-corruption bloc." At the same time, well-known human rights defenders and public figures have expressed strong criticism of such "systemic unity."

"They point out that HACC, being under constant pressure from NABU, SAPO, and certain specialized public organizations, instead of legally addressing such violations, effectively 'legitimizes' them. This results in the pre-trial investigation bodies and the court working together to ensure predetermined repressive decisions, where the court aligns with the investigation and prosecution, treating suspects as criminals despite the lack of proven guilt", – stated the lawyer.

NABU and SAPO are putting pressure on the HACC, he said. This is done either by initiating disciplinary action against judges who do not satisfy their requests, or by means of large-scale information campaigns covering the events from the appropriate perspective – on the day the person is notified of the suspicion.

"The public appeal of human rights defenders and public figures emphasizes that one of the systemic problems in the activities of anti-corruption bodies "is the appointment of the guilty at the stage of pre-trial investigation, even before the presentation of the suspicion. This is accompanied by illegal and often manipulative disclosure of secret investigative search data, as well as information campaigns aimed at discrediting the persons involved in the criminal proceedings," Melnyk concluded.

According to the expert, his sources provided video footage of this individual communicating with patrol officers from the National Police.

"The "hero" whistleblower shown in the video is one of NABU’s subordinate figures, Mykola Maslyak, who was caught selling tens of kilograms of low-quality synthetic drugs. He did not act alone – he was part of a group. They operated boldly and openly, with the ringleader being the whistleblower himself. Every month, the group led by this so-called NABU officer earned over 50 million hryvnias from drugs. Whether they shared the proceeds with the leadership remains to be determined", noted Schneider.

He further explained that, according to his information, the group was manufacturing and selling amphetamine, and was also involved in smuggling a precursor for the drug phenylpropylamine.

"Can such individuals be employed by the agency? How did they check him out? Why did NABU not put an end to this drug trafficking activity? And will anyone be held accountable? In less than 10 years of its existence, NABU – once a flagship in the fight against corruption – has transformed into a typical example of a post-Soviet structure with a corresponding set of issues," Schneider emphasized.

He recalled previous scandals surrounding NABU, noting that, in his opinion, they logically explain the current developments.

"What can be said about a mere whistleblower when NABU’s elite – its detectives – are fleeing Ukraine to another country along with the state secretary; when detectives, before their dismissal, publicly leak the entire internal schedule; when, in 10 years of existence, the public has not heard a single report from the bureau’s leadership before the parliament, to which they are accountable?" Schneider concluded.

The company implements a full cycle of raw material processing, starting with delivery from the producer to elevators and ending with the sale and transportation of finished products to consumers.

Euroterminal LLC is a transport holding company that includes the UNSC stevedoring company and the Eurocargo brokerage and forwarding company. It was established in 2005 with the support of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development to facilitate transport links between Europe and Asia as part of International Transport Corridor No. 9.

Euroterminal operates on a total area of 42 hectares, which includes a transit accumulation site, a cargo customs complex, Ukraine’s first free customs zone, and a special AutoHub project.

Euroterminal LLC is also Ukraine’s only "dry port" designed with provisions for future expansion, production facilities, and seamless interaction with all types of transport. It is located close to the port of Odesa.

According to Khanin, investigative judges are distorting European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) precedents, arguing that in the absence of a 100% alibi, "the person in question could have committed an offense."

He further claimed that investigative judges of the HACC automatically deem all prosecution evidence proper, admissible, and truthful while disregarding the defense’s arguments when determining preventive measures.

"With such an approach from judges, every single suspicion tends to become justified, even in the presence of a 100 percent alibi," – he wrote.

He emphasized that these days investigating judges of the HACC have turned into a farce the process of clarification of the validity of suspicion during the pre-trial investigation.

"And this, of course, does not meet the objectives of criminal proceedings. But de facto impunity gives the investigating judges a feeling of some kind of arbitrariness," Khanin concluded.

In September 2024, the Cabinet of Ministers appointed a commission of foreign experts to conduct an external independent evaluation of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU), journalist Oleksandr Kochetkov reported on Facebook.

According to him, the commission held its first meeting on November 18, 2024 – more than nine years after NABU’s establishment.

"But the commission of foreign experts (just as our anti-corruption activists had hoped!) decided to limit its review only to the period from the appointment of the current bureau director (March 6, 2023) to the date of approval of the evaluation methodology (November 18, 2024). That’s only 20 months instead of 108. Out of NABU’s nine years of existence, only the most recent months will be audited – conveniently avoiding recognition of corruption, inefficiency, and unlawful actions by its leadership", – Kochetkov stated.

According to him, during the visit, the delegation was introduced to the work of the Office of Recovery and Development, which has become a key platform for attracting investments and coordinating international cooperation.

As part of its cooperation with the UNDP and with funding from the European Investment Bank, Kamianske is implementing 12 large-scale social and infrastructure projects in healthcare, education, and energy efficiency.

"In total, we have attracted approximately 100 million euros in investments to the city," Bilousov stated.

He also highlighted the significant contribution of the Canadian government to the development of the social sector.

"In particular, our community participates in the 'Cities and Communities Free from Domestic Violence' initiative, supported by the governments of Canada and the United Kingdom. Additionally, with financial support from Canada, we have established the Center for Public Health and Rehabilitation," – Bilousov explained.

As part of their visit, delegation members reviewed projects implemented through international cooperation. They toured Lyceum No. 16 and the Center for Sustainability, "Place of Power. Kamianske", where they inspected the upgraded infrastructure and learned about the community’s social initiatives.

“I sincerely thank the Government of Canada and UNDP for their support of the Kamianske community. We remain open to further collaboration and are ready to implement joint initiatives that will drive the city’s development and enhance the quality of life for its residents,” – stated Bilousov, expressing gratitude to international partners.

Gordon applied to the court in September 2022, before Russia fully withdrew from the jurisdiction of the ECHR.

The Court unanimously ruled that there had been a violation of Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights (which refers to freedom of expression) by Russia in the case of Gordon and the other applicants. The court concluded that there was a systemic pattern of restricting communications related to the war in Ukraine, indicating a coordinated effort to suppress dissent rather than to counter any threat to national security. "Essentially the national courts had criminalised any reporting/statements that contradicted the official narrative describing the invasion of Ukraine as a "special military operation", the court said.

The case was decided in record time: just two and a half years after Gordon filed his petition, whereas such cases usually take five to ten years to be heard.

Paragraph 121 of the judgment (detailed below) actually sets a precedent, as the court ruled that even if journalists make harsh statements about Russia and its president Vladimir Putin, these should only be considered in the context in which they were made. Ukrainian journalists, experts, and other public figures can now reference this point when appealing to courts. This means that courts must always assess the context in which harsh statements or swearing took place. They must also take into account whether prosecuting someone for these statements would violate Article 10 of the Convention.

Gordon's case was one of the few that the court considered individually. The decision described in detail the history of the persecution of the journalist by the Russian authorities. It began with a statement that Gordon made in March 2022. He said that Russia should be spoken to in the language of force, as it is the only language it understands well. "With Russia, you’ve got to speak the language of force. That’s the only language they understand well ... If [Putin] threatens the US with nukes, [the US] will drop them on him and bury him along with his fascist country ... Russians need to be beaten – not the ordinary people, but Putin’s State and those bastards who invaded our land. Take them down hard, spare no one. They bomb our theatres where women and children are sheltering. They bomb our houses and kill civilians. No pity – kill them all without mercy, get to Putin and kill him. That’s the most important job for the whole civilised world," the journalist said.

After that, the Russian Investigative Committee launched a criminal investigation against Gordon under three articles of the Criminal Code, the Russian Federation added him to the list of terrorists and extremists, issued an arrest warrant, recognized him as a "foreign agent”, and in July 2024 a military court in Moscow sentenced him in absentia to 14 years of imprisonment. The ECHR ruling emphasized that no Russian authority had served Gordon with any documents on this criminal case. The Court also noted that Gordon's inclusion on the list of "foreign agents", terrorists and extremists was probably done for "chilling effect".

The Court focused in detail on Gordon's statement and whether it could be interpreted as advocating violence against Russian servicemen and the Russian leadership (paragraph 121 of the judgment). The Court noted that, in general, states have a "wide margin of appreciation" in regulating expressions that amount to glorifying of violence, but in such cases national courts are required to scrutinize both the content of the statements and the context in which they were made. In Gordon's case, the Russian court did not assess whether such statements could directly incite unlawful acts of violence or whether they were "expressions of emotional support" for Ukraine's legitimate right to self-defense under international law. The court also recalled that these statements were made shortly after the start of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, when Russia attacked Ukrainian cities and civilians were killed.

"When viewed in their proper context, it is evident that his statements were specifically directed at Russian military personnel engaged in active combat operations and the political leadership responsible for initiating the hostilities, rather than at Russian civilians or the Russian population as a whole. His comments concerning nuclear weapons were made in direct response to nuclear threats issued by Russia’s leadership and were framed in the context of deterrence," explained in the ruling.

According to the ECHR, this undifferentiated approach by the Russian court shows that the purpose of Gordon's prosecution was not to prevent incitement to violence, but to stifle any criticism of Russian military actions.

He noted that it was highlighted by the reaction Semen Kryvonos, head of NABU, expressed to the scandal with a detective who resigned due to a workplace conflict and reported a collapsing state of affairs in the bureau.

"In recent days, the head of NABU has made several public statements, from which it became clear to me personally that the bureau is no longer like it used to be. And my old jokes that it would be easier to close it and sell its building carry only a fraction of the joke", – Nikolov wrote.

The events took place in January 2024, he noted, when NABU detective Andrii Denisyuk resigned and wrote a letter criticizing the work of the bureau.

"Detective Andrii Denisyuk, who was investigating corruption in the field of drone procurement, decided to resign due to problems with the ability to conduct an investigation. He wrote a farewell letter to his former colleagues describing the dire situation. This letter was published in the media and became the second evidence of problems in NABU after another detective announced the leak of materials last summer. As a result of the summer scandal, Gizo Uglava, the first deputy director of NABU, was removed from his post", – Nikolov said.

Nikolov has claimed that the scandal involving NABU detective Denisyuk erupted at a critical moment – while an international audit was assessing the performance of the bureau’s director, Semen Kryvonos.

"The NABU leadership immediately organized an off-the-record briefing to persuade dozens of journalists that Denisyuk was incompetent and had mishandled an investigation," Nikolov stated. "I was present at that briefing – it was a coordinated smear campaign against someone who dared to expose a major issue within the bureau. And it wasn’t just a few officials involved; the entire NABU leadership participated, from the director to the heads of key departments", – summarized the journalist.

These individuals are charged under Part 5 of Article 191 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, "Misappropriation of property or seizure of it through abuse of office," and Part 3 of Article 209, "Legalization (laundering) of property obtained through criminal means".

The investigation has been completed, and the defense is currently reviewing the case materials, after which the case will go to court, according to the publication citing the National Police.  

At the moment, the Pechersk District Court of Kyiv is considering the issue of choosing a preventive measure for Tarasov in the form of detention. After that, it will be possible to put him on the Interpol wanted list.

For several days, discussions have surrounded the dismissal of NABU detective Andrii Denysyuk and the public release of his letter to colleagues. In the letter, the former detective accused NABU of obstructing investigations into drone procurement. Legal experts suggest that Denysyuk’s revelations are an attempt to divert attention from NABU’s inefficiency and lack of effective corruption investigations in the security and defense sectors, as well as in other areas under its jurisdiction.

However, yet another scandal involving the bureau points to a deeper systemic crisis, raising concerns about the effectiveness of the entire anti-corruption framework of the state. As a result, Ukraine’s donor states are naturally questioning how their funds are being utilized and whether Ukrainian anti-corruption institutions can be trusted at all.

Irreversible processes within NABU were triggered, in part, by the victory of Republican Donald Trump in the U.S. presidential election. The new American administration clearly remembers statements made by Ukrainian members of parliament, alleging that former NABU Director Artem Sytnyk interfered in the electoral process during the 2016 U.S. presidential race. This refers to the so-called "black bookkeeping" of the Party of Regions, which allegedly implicated Trump’s former campaign chairman, Paul Manafort, in embezzlement. At the time, this leak from the NABU chief was used to benefit Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton and to undermine Trump.

At the time, then-head of the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO), Nazar Kholodnytskyi, warned of potential negative consequences for Ukraine following allegations of NABU’s involvement in the U.S. elections. "Apparently, he [Sytnyk] saw himself as a global geopolitician, supported Hillary, and spoke about the FBI. We need to draw conclusions – this is not the right approach," Kholodnytskyi stated. However, the issue did not progress beyond public remarks.

During the Biden administration, NABU maintained its position with the support of American institutions and Ukrainian civil society organizations. However, after the change of leadership in the United States, noticeable internal shifts began within the bureau. Concerns over losing international backing led to internal tensions, resulting in growing divisions and political disputes. Reports suggest that internal conflicts have led to information leaks, exposing broader operational challenges, including issues of competence, procedural integrity, and confidentiality breaches.

Detective Denysyuk's recent dismissal follows a familiar pattern. The law enforcement officer shifted into the political sphere after publicly disclosing a series of internal matters that ultimately discredited NABU. Denysyuk openly admitted that he struggled to fulfill his duties and is now transitioning to a political role as an aide to Anastasia Radina, the head of the Verkhovna Rada’s Anti-Corruption Committee.

MP Radina, a former employee of the Anti-Corruption Action Center (Shabunin's organization), is responsible for overseeing NABU. However, instead of ensuring accountability, she appears to be facilitating employment opportunities for former NABU staff. This dynamic raises concerns about the integrity of anti-corruption efforts, as it resembles more of an internal network than an independent oversight system. According to available information, Denysyuk plans to continue leveraging this situation for publicity and has even expressed aspirations of becoming NABU’s director in the future.

What is behind the scandal?

Firstly, the case highlights violations of anti-corruption legislation and a lack of consequences. According to Article 26 of the Law "On the Prevention of Corruption," a former detective, as a person authorized to perform state functions, is prohibited from disclosing information obtained in the course of official duties. However, after resigning, Andrii Denysyuk began publicly leaking internal data. Such actions constitute an administrative offense, leading to inclusion in the register of corrupt officials. Moreover, concerns arise about the potential sharing of NABU’s internal affairs with his new employer. As legal experts note, this situation represents not only a direct conflict of interest but also a clear violation of the law, further exposing internal disorder within NABU. Despite these apparent infractions, there has been no response from the National Agency on Corruption Prevention (NACP), the State Bureau of Investigation, or NABU’s leadership.

Secondly, NABU is facing a professional crisis. Reports indicate that only a minimal number of detectives were assigned to certain investigations, with at least one leaving upon realizing they could not effectively handle the case.

Thirdly, there is a lack of effective oversight of anti-corruption bodies. While parliamentary deputies are tasked with ensuring accountability, some have instead developed close ties with these institutions. This is exemplified by Andrii Denysyuk’s transition to the role of assistant to the head of the Verkhovna Rada’s Anti-Corruption Committee, raising concerns about impartiality and oversight effectiveness.

In a few months, NABU will mark its 10th anniversary. Yet, throughout this period, none of its leaders have reported to parliament on their activities or explained how billions in budgetary funds – aside from fueling scandals – have been spent. Rather than ensuring effective anti-corruption efforts, the High Anti-Corruption Court (VAKS), NABU, and grant-funded activists have formed a system of mutual protection, enabling those within it to act with impunity.

The case of Andrii Denysyuk serves as a striking example of how one individual, through a single act and a lack of professionalism, exposed the internal chaos, mismanagement, and lawlessness within an institution that was meant to be a model of Ukrainian anti-corruption efforts. However, that vision never materialized – and now, it seems increasingly unlikely that it ever will.

Source: Oleg Posternak / Facebook

According to media reports, in 2021, Ivakhiv finalized a divorce agreement with his wife, allegedly aiming to exclude Yeremeyev’s share from the inheritance. In October 2024, the Supreme Court ruled that these actions might constitute an attempt to circumvent a fair distribution of assets.

The Court annulled the lower court decisions that favored Ivakhiv, citing procedural violations. Court documents revealed discrepancies in Ivakhiv's testimony – initially, he claimed the divorce agreement was notarized, but it was later found to be a simple written document. During the proceedings, Ivakhiv also refused to provide the Supreme Court with a copy of the agreement, as noted in the investigative report.

The Supreme Court emphasized that the case must undergo a thorough reexamination, focusing on potential abuse of legal rights.

Following Yeremeyev's death, his business partners Lagur and Ivakhiv established a trust to manage the "Continuum" holding, each holding a 50% stake. While Yeremeyev’s family remains beneficiaries of the trust, they have no influence over the group's business decisions and have received only a minor portion of the late businessman’s estate, according to "RBC-Ukraine." The investigation revealed that Lagur and Ivakhiv's ex-wife, Svitlana, remain in control of the assets.

The journalists also disclosed a scheme allegedly used by Ivakhiv and Lagur to transfer 25% of Yeremeyev's inheritance, which was supposed to go to his family, into their own control.

Several enterprises are incurring significant financial losses and are preparing to initiate legal action against law enforcement agencies, according to statements made during a press conference. The entrepreneurs suggested that the disruption to their operations may be linked to alleged pressure on the agricultural holding GNT Group stemming from its ongoing conflict with the creditor Argentem Creek Partners.

Sunolta, the owner of Attollo Granum LLC, has no affiliation with GNT Group or its conflict but has become the target of a media campaign following its official appeal to Argentem Creek Partners (ACP) with a proposal to redeem its debt to ensure stable business operations, according to participants at the press conference.

They allege that ACP’s actions are driven by the interests of an unidentified third party seeking control of the Odesa port, including assets such as GNT Group and Sunolta.

The participants stated that ACP’s actions are inexplicable otherwise, as Sunolta has repeatedly expressed its willingness to engage in negotiations. However, the company cannot shoulder the full financial burden caused by the war, as doing so would lead to the collapse of the business and the loss of more than 1,000 jobs.

Sunolta announced its intention to file a lawsuit and approach several media outlets to counter what it describes as a "black PR campaign" orchestrated by ACP, emphasizing its commitment to protecting its reputation and ensuring its continued operations.

Representatives of the companies reported that the blocking of their operations at the Odesa port is causing daily losses of up to 750 000 UAH per company. These financial setbacks are severely impacting their ability to pay taxes to the state budget and salaries to employees, the speakers emphasized.

They claimed that detectives from BEB are not conducting any investigative or search activities as authorized. The company leaders stated that they had submitted formal complaints to the Office of the President, the Office of the Prosecutor General, the BEB, the State Bureau of Investigation, and the Council for the Support of Entrepreneurship in Ukraine, urging action to resolve the situation.

According to Posternak, the High Council of Justice (HCJ) was the first one to fall under the control of activists with the support of foreign "partners."

"The HCJ’s decisions have become infamous within the legal community. A striking example is the recent scandal involving Viktor Pankulich, a judge of the HACC Appellate Chamber. He publicly declared that 'a person who is wanted has no other rights except the right to return and go to prison.' With this single statement, the HACC has revealed its disregard for the Constitution of Ukraine. But instead of taking firm action, the HCJ responded weakly, expressing mild concern and merely issuing warnings to three judges for blatant violations of the fundamental right to defense," Posternak wrote.

He emphasized that the HCJ's leniency toward its own members can be attributed to the council's longstanding control by professional activists, led by Roman Maselko. According to Posternak, Maselko attempted to protect the former Chairman of the Supreme Court, Vsevolod Knyazev, by voting against his dismissal just a few months ago.

“And it was Maselko who, by a strange coincidence, managed to acquire real estate worth millions, allegedly inherited from his retired grandfather. It is people like Maselko, not the rule of law, who now decide which judges are deemed violators. They operate on the principle: allies get special treatment, while opponents face the full force of the law," highlighted Posternak.

The expert pointed to the case of Judge Viktor Shkodin, prosecuted by the Second Disciplinary Chamber of the High Council of Justice, led by Maselko. According to Posternak, Shkodin’s primary "offense" is his refusal to blindly support the decisions of NABU and SAP, instead exposing their shortcomings. The political analyst warned that the "mix" of the judicial and anti-corruption bodies poses a serious threat to the country.

"They have become a separate caste, and now act above the laws of Ukraine. As a result, judges of the High Anti-Corruption Court have come to believe they are completely untouchable. Firstly, they are shielded by the HCJ, led by Maselko, and public activists, and, secondly, by NABU and SAP. This dual protection explains their indulgence in a lavish lifestyle even amid the ongoing war," he wrote.

According to the expert, the current situation has led to the attacks by judges of the HACC against other members of the judiciary.

"For instance, HACC judge [Mykola] Glotov, who gained attention after a public emotional outbursting with tears during a session on the recusal, has taken it upon himself to criticize the Supreme Court. He believes that the Supreme Court has no authority to interfere in the affairs of the High Anti-Corruption Court. This demonstrates that HACC has garnered the support of anti-corruption activists and professional activists who ignore justice and prioritize their own interests over adherence to the Constitution and the law," Posternak noted.

He further noted that the actions of anti-corruption agencies have broader negative implications.

"Whenever the country seeks additional weapons or financial aid, we are reminded of the importance of effectively addressing corruption. It becomes challenging to respond appropriately when these agencies lose focus and become preoccupied with their own internal issues and personal gain. At some point, it may be easier to dismantle them entirely than to restore order. I sincerely hope it doesn't come to that," the expert concluded.

In recent months, scandals surrounding Ukraine’s High Anti-Corruption Court (HACC) have sharply increased. What were once isolated incidents – such as family members influencing judges' decisions – have now become regular occurrences. Today, there is hardly a week passes without negative media coverage. Among the main controversies are the busts of high-profile cases involving corrupt officials, who then flee abroad; the luxurious lifestyles of the High Anti-Corruption Court judges amid wartime hardships; and the court acting as an extension of the NABU and SAPO, resembling practices of the Soviet judicial system. The apex of these developments is the noticeable decline in the intellectual standards of the High Anti-Corruption Court and its candidates. The recent failure of judicial candidates in IQ tests shocked even the court's public defenders. All of this is casting a dark shadow over this institution.

Is the High Anti-Corruption Court of Ukraine, once seen as a model of Ukrainian justice, turning into a typical district court, potentially sealing the fate of the entire judicial system?

The High Anti-Corruption Court of Ukraine is a very young institution, having been established in 2018 with the backing of civil society and under the oversight of international partners. There were high hopes for the court, particularly as a means of addressing the inefficiencies of ordinary courts in handling corruption cases at the highest levels.

Nostalgia for the "Soviet Era," or why the High Anti-Corruption Court began to serve NABU and SAPO

However, these hopes have now been met with disillusionment, especially with accusations from Ukrainian lawyers that the High Anti-Corruption Court is following Soviet-style justice. Lawyer Taras Baranov, during a High Council of Justice hearing on complaints against the court, stated that the court had adopted a post-totalitarian approach – actively siding with NABU detectives and SAPO prosecutors.

"The judges of the High Anti-Corruption Court are essentially taking on the role of the prosecution – collaborating with SAPO prosecutors and NABU detectives. This mirrors the post-Soviet, post-totalitarian mindset where courts are seen as extensions of the prosecution," Baranov emphasized.

Gizo Uglava, the former first deputy head of NABU, acknowledged this bias toward the prosecution: "We worked (with the HACC) as one unit. Of course, for this, we were subjected to harsh criticism, and we were accused of an unprecedented concentration of power." In essence, the former NABU leadership openly admitted to influencing the court with little regard for due process.

The European Commission has also drawn attention to the High Anti-Corruption Court's post-totalitarian tendencies, highlighting concerns over systematic violations of constitutional rights, particularly the presumption of innocence. The issue has now gained international attention, becoming more than just an internal Ukrainian matter.

Human rights activist Yevhen Zakharov commented on the European Commission’s shadow report, pointing out that anti-corruption bodies are leaking sensitive information, particularly from secret investigations, to activists under their control. The High Anti-Corruption Court is increasingly playing along with NABU and SAPO, distorting the foundations of justice. "The court must be completely independent from anti-corruption agencies. Any court must be independent from investigative institutions. Otherwise, it is no longer a court", – he emphasized.

Ukrainian lawyer Rostyslav Kravets also raised concerns about human rights violations, pointing to the court’s failure to respect the constitutional ban on double jeopardy and the accused's right to be informed of the charges against them. "For me personally, this is not something that reminds me of, it directly repeats the year 1937, when people didn’t know what they were being accused of or on what basis."

But why has this happened? The answer, it seems, lies in financial incentives. Over the past few years, judges of the High Anti-Corruption Court have accumulated significant wealth. For "favorable" decisions, the penal system has turned a blind eye to their newly acquired luxury apartments, cars, and other assets. But where does this money come from? The next section explains.

Corruption within the Court: "Treatment" and Release

Against the backdrop of accusations that the court is serving NABU and SAPO, its increasingly controversial decisions – especially in high-profile cases – have become a major source of public discontent. For example, in early November, the High Anti-Corruption Court released from custody former People’s Deputy Dmytro Kryuchkov, who is suspected of embezzling UAH 1.5 billion.

In a similar case, the court released Kostyantyn Logvinenko, the former Acting General Director of KharkivOblenergo, on a UAH 3.5 million bail, despite allegations that he co-organized the theft of UAH 12.5 million from the company and attempted to steal another UAH 120 million.

Meanwhile, a judge of the Appellate Chamber calculated the income of a single mother over 21 years – including maternity and student scholarships – and set her bail at UAH 805,200.

These dubious and inconsistent decisions, especially in cases involving NABU and SAPO, are causing irreparable harm to the state. Increasingly, “victims” of these judicial rulings are turning to the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) and winning large sums in compensation from Ukraine. In recent weeks, a human rights activist successfully sued the state for €15,000. On average, Ukraine is paying between €100,000 and €200,000 each month in ECHR rulings. Last year alone, the country paid out over €2 million. And now, with the growing number of such cases, the amount of these payments is only set to increase. All this is money that could have gone to support the Ukrainian Armed Forces.

A representative of the High Anti-Corruption Court bent... the High Anti-Corruption Court and the state for 500,000 UAH

The paradox is that the High Anti-Corruption Court, which is supposed to protect state funds from encroachments, is causing increasing damage to the state budget. And not just indirectly – through the European Court of Human Rights' decisions, but also directly. Recently, the media published information that High Anti-Corruption Court judge Kateryna Sikora, with the help of colleagues in another court, "squeezed" half a million hryvnias from the state. She ruled that the Cabinet of Ministers had illegally limited the high salaries of top officials and judges during the coronavirus pandemic in 2020.

According to lawyers, Judge Sikora set a dangerous precedent: now thousands of officials and judges will pocket the "under-earned" millions of hryvnias from COVID-19. These funds will be taken from the budget of a warring country. And the money will not go towards buying drones for the Armed Forces of Ukraine, but into the pockets of officials and judges.

It is notable that the very author of this precedent, Judge Sikora, is accused by the NACP of... illegal enrichment. And she is not the only one in the High Anti-Corruption Court with questions regarding an inappropriate luxurious lifestyle. In fact, it’s about this...

"I am a judge, I want to live for myself"

The number of reports of luxury purchases by judges of the High Anti-Corruption Court has surged in recent years. NABU has identified signs of illicit enrichment in some judges, including Kateryna Sikora. She was caught falsifying information about several cars, apartments, and parking spaces she acquired while serving as a judge.

In addition to Sikora, another judge, Valeria Chorna, sparked controversy when, in September 2022, she purchased a BMW X6 from a dealership amid the war. When questioned about this, she defended her decision, saying, "There must be some personal satisfaction. I believe I deserve it and have the right to this car".

Mykola Glotov, a judge in the Appellate Chamber, was seen in tears after his disqualification from a hearing. However, that did not stop him from purchasing a Tesla worth nearly UAH 2 million a year after the full-scale invasion began. His tears did not prevent him from setting an unreasonably high bail of UAH 805,000 for a single mother. Judge Markiyan Halabala illegally received official housing and failed to disclose several details in his declaration. Meanwhile, Vitaliy Kryklyvyi has been spotted in housing fraud schemes with the help of his wife, who, not surprisingly, is also a judge of the High Anti-Corruption Court.

The Degradation of the Court: IQ Tests and the Deterioration of Standards

A major question arises: Why has this happened, and what does the future hold for the High Anti-Corruption Court?

The reasons are obvious. According to experts, NABU and SAPO turn a blind eye to the judges' inappropriate expenses while the High Anti-Corruption Court churns out cases at their request. As a result, the High Anti-Corruption Court is becoming increasingly dependent on detectives and prosecutors in exchange for a luxurious life. Meanwhile, in such conditions, judges begin to degrade. As a consequence, their requirements are lowered.

The initiative to exempt candidates for positions as judges of the High Anti-Corruption Court from passing IQ tests and the exam on the history of Ukraine further confirms this. The relevant committee of the Verkhovna Rada has recommended adoption in the second reading draft law No. 11425-d, which removes the requirement of a 75% passing score for cognitive testing (IQ test). The competition for the High Anti-Corruption Court will no longer include testing on the history of Ukrainian statehood.

What does this mean in practice? The Supreme Judicial Council will determine the IQ test content, and given the current state of the court’s judges – luxury cars, questionable decisions, and collaboration with NABU and SAPO – it’s likely that either no test will be given or it will be greatly simplified, potentially reducing it to trivial exercises like number puzzles.

In the end, the IQ test scandals were not long in coming. Some specialized publications have already called it a "disaster". According to the cognitive abilities (IQ) test results, out of 74 candidates for 15 positions as judges of the High Anti-Corruption Court, only 25 (33.8%) candidates, or about a third, scored a passing grade. Out of 49 candidates for ten vacant positions as judges in the Appeals Chamber of the High Anti-Corruption Court, only 19 candidates (38.7%) passed.

The cherry on the cake – four judges of the High Anti-Corruption Court (Nataliya Movchan, Oksana Oliynyk, Lesya Fedorak, and Vitaliy Kryklyvyi) failed the cognitive abilities test during the competition for the Appeals Chamber of the same court. Interestingly, Vitaliy Kryklyvyi's wife passed the test successfully.

What’s Next?

A famous quote attributed to Ukraine’s second president, Leonid Kuchma, states: "No matter what kind of party was under construction, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union always comes out." In this case, no matter what court is created, the legacy of the "Soviet People's Court" persists. These developments have unfolded in a body that was created relatively recently with the support of civil society and international partners. While the situation with other courts is even worse, the High Anti-Corruption Court is clearly following the same downward path. In this context, it is hardly surprising that trust in Ukraine’s judicial system is at an all-time low, with 72% of Ukrainians expressing a lack of confidence. If current trends continue, this figure could rise to 100%.

Experts mention Poland in connection with anti-corruption authorities' violations of the law. There, the new coalition that won last year's elections included the liquidation of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau in its agreement.

Some experts have compared Poland, where the new government promised to dismantle the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau. In our reality, we may be talking about dismantling the entire anti-corruption triangle – NABU, SAPO, and the High Anti-Corruption Court – as, at the very least, ineffective. And, in reality, harmful.

The blog reflects the author's personal point of view. The editorial board is not responsible for the content or accuracy of the materials in this section.

According to his sources, Kudrytsky delegated the matter to Brekht, who reportedly kept documents for months only to return them with supposed errors.

"Errors were corrected, yet Brekht would hold onto the documents again, eventually sending them back, citing a missing comma. This was going on for months. During project design, project teams receive systematic changes to their assignments from Ukrenergo, sometimes five to seven changes issued monthly, making timely and quality project completion impossible. As a result, the construction of protective structures is delayed. Then, they arrest Ukrenergo's security chief for allegedly targeting Russian missiles at power plants and power transformers," stated Kulyk.

Kulyk is convinced that because of such an approach, most Ukrenergo facilities do not meet fire safety standards.

"For instance, as my source informed me, work on restoring the water supply for fire sprinkler systems and automatic fire suppression systems at most substations is not being done. Fire suppression systems are reportedly left deliberately disconnected from the water supply. Those underway projects proceed against approved designs that have passed emergency service reviews. At some sites, work has stopped," Kulyk detailed.

The expert suggested that the management might be preparing Ukrenergo for bankruptcy to sell it at a lower price.

"For this reason, I sincerely hope that the head of the relevant committee, Andrii Herus, and Energy Minister German Galushchenko will not only take notice of this situation but also organize an audit of the fire protection measures at critical infrastructure sites under Ukrenergo. If the situation is indeed this dire, Kudrytsky shouldn’t be appearing on air and at conferences but must be giving testimony to investigators," he concluded.

"The reason for this is that in early January 2021, the Polish authorities the restructuring of Idea Bank S.A., which was also owned by Getin Holding, due to insufficient capital. Idea Bank S.A. was transferred to Bank Pekao S.A., the country's second largest bank," the financier wrote.

Gorbunenko added that the sale of a bank with foreign capital to a Ukrainian owner shows that banks with Ukrainian capital are more stable and adaptable in times of war. They have ambitions to grow and are not afraid to take greater risks.

"This is also evidenced by the NBU’s data: banks with Ukrainian capital are more aggressively expanding their loan portfolios than banks with foreign capital. The foreigners are choosing a more balanced strategy and invest in risk-free assets, such as NBU certificates of deposit or government bonds. The share of banks with Ukrainian capital in the banking system's assets has been growing this year (even excluding state-owned banks)," he says.

However, he believes that new deals involving the exit of foreign banks from the market are unlikely.

In his opinion, domestic companies' experience in the field of security and their cooperation with leading companies from Germany, Israel, and South Korea allow them to create high-quality products for fire protection of strategic enterprises and other facilities that are constantly under the threat of shelling from the Russian Federation.

In addition, a complete fire protection complex consisting of active and passive components should be considered in projects to restore already damaged facilities and construct new enterprises.

According to Lyubchenko, the state should participate in financing such projects and collaborate with enterprises, specialized companies, the government, and the parliament on a comprehensive fire protection program.

Reporters Without Borders emphasizes that "promoting reliable journalism is the antidote to disinformation and propaganda," and that "understanding their mechanisms and identifying their actors is a necessary condition for blocking them."

"The first season [of The Propaganda Monitor] will be devoted to Russian propaganda with a particular focus on RT, a Russian state media outlet that plays a key role in disseminating Kremlin-backed disinformation worldwide. The first season will be dedicated to Russian propaganda, with a particular focus on RT  (formerly Russia Today, 'Rossiya Segodnya'. – GORDON) – a propaganda organ controlled by the Russian government, which plays a key role in the Kremlin's disinformation worldwide. The Propaganda Monitor exposes how propaganda is created, disseminated, and transformed. It also proposes concrete solutions – aimed at both decision-makers and the general public – to combat propaganda, especially content that imitates journalistic formats to promote an ideology," RSF explained.

RSF's Director-General Christophe Deloire stated that The Propaganda Monitor aims to further RSF's work in understanding geopolitics, global propaganda, and in fighting the spread of disinformation presented as journalism serving political ideologies.

The organization emphasized that the web interface will feature previously unpublished research, portraits, and important interviews, and promises to be regularly updated with new publications.

The governing committee of the newly created platform includes, among others, a specialist in Russian politics, Dr. Maxim Audinet (France); David Colon, a professor and researcher in political science specializing in media history and mass communication at Sciences Po in Paris (France); Valdez Onanina, editor in chief of the Dakar-based French-language desk of Africa Check (Senegal); Daniel Milo, an analyst and expert in the field of democracy protection, especially in combating disinformation, hybrid threats, and extremism (Slovakia); Rasa Nedeljkov,  program director at the Center for Research, Transparency and Accountability (Serbia); Professor Vladimir Rouvinski  a professor in the Department of Political Studies at Icesi University in Cali, Colombia; and Dorka Takácsy – a researcher focusing on disinformation and propaganda in Central-Eastern Europe and Russiaresearcher Dorca Takáči (Hungary).

Among the studies already published on the platform are how RT broadcasts propaganda in France circumventing European Union sanctions, how Kremlin propaganda spreads in Serbia, and RT's tactics regarding Russian propaganda among Latin American countries.

In response, the Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights in the Volyn Region reminded that Article 59 of the Constitution of Ukraine guarantees everyone the right to professional legal assistance, even under martial law. Yuliya Spas, the representative of the Commissioner in Volyn, sent a formal letter to the recruitment centre to address and prevent potential violations of citizens' rights.

Ihor Kolesnikov, Deputy Chairman of the UNBA Committee on Protection of Advocates' Rights and Guarantees of Legal Practice, also criticised the recruitment centre's stance.

"The position of the Volyn territorial recruitment and social support centre about advocates does not stand up to any criticism and may also contain signs of a crime under 397 (Interference with the activities of a defence counsel or representative of a person," he stated.

Ombudsman Lubinets reiterated the constitutional right to legal assistance, emphasizing that everyone is entitled to choose their defender, including those liable for military service. He stressed that any restriction of this right is unacceptable under the Constitution.

Ukrainians continue to file over 150 complaints weekly regarding the practices of territorial recruitment and social support centres.

Syrskyi informed that a military commandant's office, led by Major General Eduard Moskaliov, has been established to maintain order and address the immediate needs of the population.

In total, since the beginning of the operation, Ukrainian forces have advanced 35 km into Russian territory, taking control of 82 settlements across an area of 1,150 km², Syrskyi summarized.

President Zelensky announced the creation of Ukrainian military commandant's offices on Russian territory on August 14.

According to him, the Ukrainian Armed Forces are attacking, and allegedly, the Russian army, together with border guards, has already destroyed "16 units of Ukrainian equipment."

The Russian Ministry of Defense reported combat operations in the Kursk Region, which, according to their statements, began at 8.00 and for the first time only at 17.05. According to their version, after artillery preparation, "up to 300" Ukrainian soldiers, supported by 11 tanks and "more than 20 armoured fighting vehicles," attacked Russian positions in the border villages of Mykolaiv-Daryino and Oleshnya, prompting Russia to deploy military reserves.

At 19.21, the Russian occupiers reported the retreat of the "Ukrainian sabotage and reconnaissance group" to Ukrainian territory after being hit by fire.

On the same day, Ukrainian Telegram channels circulated a video allegedly showing Russian conscripts captured in the Kursk Region. In particular, Ukrainian military journalist and "1+1" correspondent Andriy Tsapliyenko showed a video with a "whole unit of captured Russian soldiers."

The Russian publication "Important Stories" confirmed that these were real Russian soldiers.

The Ukrainian Armed Forces General Staff did not comment on the fighting in Kursk Region. In the situation report as of 16.00, the Sumy Region, which borders the Kursk Region, is mentioned only in the context of Russian shelling with mortars, artillery, and aviation.

Telegram channels of the "Russian Volunteer Corps" and the "Freedom of Russia" legion, whose members fight against the Russian authorities on the side of Ukraine and have already conducted raids in adjacent regions of Russia, make no mention of the August 6 fighting in the Kursk Region.

Russian Telegram channels are reporting "complete chaos" in the Sudzha district of Kursk Region and are publishing videos of explosions and low-flying fighter jets.

Participants mentioned that on December 14, 2022, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe approved the CoE Action Plan for Ukraine titled "Resilience, Recovery and Rebuilding" for 2023-2026.

Specifically, the Action Plan includes measures to support the justice system in line with European human rights standards. Paragraph 2.1 outlines strategic and legal advice for public authorities, the bar, and the legal aid system. Additionally, the plan aims to bolster the professional capacity of lawyers, enhance the quality of legal education, and support the growth of the Ukrainian National Bar Association, other legal entities, NGOs, and the free Legal Aid system.

The meeting concluded with an agreement to organize an operational meeting with relevant project managers from the Council of Europe to pinpoint specific actions to support the UNBA.